Table of Contents
Introduction:
Stories tell stories
Folklorists -- a definition of themselves and stories
Teachers -- power in terms
Broadcast Reporters -- creating stories
Folklorists -- who and what goes into a story
Teachers -- causes and perceived effects
Boadcast Reporters -- disregarding and creating context
Folklorists -- the right to sharing stories
Teachers -- filling perceived needs with stories
Broadcast Reporters -- who and what makes the truth
Conclusion:
Sifting through stories
Healthy growth through stories
Healthy growth through Children's Voices
References
Introduction
Stories tell stories
The truth is that each of us is a storyteller already. . . . Most
of us have felt that no one would listen because what we've
lived, or what we know, is neither interesting nor important.
But just the opposite is true (Farrell, 1991:17).
Stories are how people view the world. Telling and listening to them, defines and shapes reality (Smith, 1989). Therefore, to understand a person's world and growth, it is necessary to understand what stories are. However, the meaning of story is not easy to define since each storyteller and listener works from a different point-of-view. To understand what stories mean in their relationship to children, it is necessary to explore the various definitions which affect the professionals who control education.
This paper synthesizes the concept of story in relationship to folklorists, teachers, and broadcast reporters. In addition, the effects the specialists' beliefs have on the people they exchange their stories with are investigated -- folklorists in relation to their informants, teachers in relation to their students, and television reporters in relation to their global community -- and the effects which cultural forces have on each group.
The professions examined were chosen for their complementary relationship to each other (this relationship is represented graphically in Figure A, p. 39). Folklorists are professional listeners who study stories. Their theories and retellings of the stories change how stories are defined and thus handled by other professionals. Teachers are traditionally storytellers. Their classrooms are environments in which stories are used for education. Broadcast reporters are also professional listeners. Their stories have a direct effect on how all people define their world.
Although each field is interrelated, their explanations and understanding of what a story is and who tells it are not always compatible because the structures they work within are different. Each group's understanding of stories is shaped by their reasons for listening and telling them as well as the format in which the stories are transmitted. The implications of all these influences, inclusive of the listener's and teller's beliefs, affect the story, which in turn shapes the child.
Folklorist -- a definition of themselves and stories
The human brain is essentially a narrative device.
It runs on stories. The knowledge that we store in
the brain, in 'our theory of the world,' is largely in
the form of stories. (Smith, 1988:179)
Folklorists often define themselves as people who study the lore of the folk. However, what 'lore' means and just who are these 'folk' is not commonly agreed upon. There are two main schools of thought on who the 'folk' are. One, holds the 'folk' are only the masses, the lower class of a society who lacks 'high art/culture', the other maintains the 'folk' are everybody (Blatt, 1993).
Who the 'folk' are influences the perception of what 'lore' is (see Figure B, p. 40). If the 'folk' are seen as the plebeians, the folklorist is removed from the arena, the lore of the 'folk' is perceived to be 'primitive.' However, if the 'folk' are all classes, then the folklorist is an equal and everyone and their lore, their stories, are seen as equally valid. The identity a folklorist claims is apparent in his or her writings; their attitude shows up through their words.
Alex Olick, a Danish Folklorist only recently rediscovered and translated into English, is part of the first school. He elevates himself from the people he studies when he defines folklore as the knowledge passed on by "non-book-learned" groups (1992/1921). Richard Dauenhauser is from the second school and does not view 'lore' as something only 'primitive' societies have. He believes folklorists should study all people, at all times, since lore is the stories that all people tell (1975). Folklore is stories which join humans together (Knapp et al, 1976). This leads to the question 'What are stories?'
Stories are the folk's theories of the world, a device which allows each teller's point-of-view and 'truth' to be shared. The folklorist, Linda Degh, writes that the teller's hopes and dreams are elements which the lore shares because their life is created by the telling of the story (1969). Patricia Cianciolo does not agree that lore is the genesis of life, but instead, a reflection of people's existence (1993). While Degh believes stories shape the people, Cianciolo feels people shape the stories. Meanwhile, Labov and Waletzky write that lore is a way to experience the past as well as putting order into the present (1967). Folklorists fall all over the continuum anchored by these varying points-of-view (see Figure C, p. 40).
Regardless of a folklorist's beliefs, there is a common discourse which examines stories as a form of self-expression that provides, when carefully studied, insight into the mind of an individual and his or her culture. The narrator's background/culture are revealed through the motives, attitudes, and experiences which are woven into the story. The teller's lore is born from within, and thus, cannot escape the context of his or her community (Cubelic, 1979; Kosova, 1979; Scollon, 1982; Siikala, 1990).
Folklorists categorize stories into literary groupings, such as myth, in which stories are seen to be sacred and usually true; legend, in which the stories are true but not sacred; folktale, a story which does not have to be true; and a memorate, which is a personal experience story. Other versions of stories -- epic and narrative tales, prose narrative, oratory, folksongs, ballads, fairy tales, and many others -- fall into those four categories (Dauenhauer, 1975; Finnegan, 1992).
Folklorists also define stories in terms of developmental stages. The Maranda technique attempts to map the development of children's stories from basic tales to more structured ones. The Marandas defined this growth in terms of four levels: Level 1 has two opposing sides in which side 'A' conquers side 'B' and 'B' does not retaliate, thus the story is over; Level 2 is the same as Level 1 except 'B' retaliates and fails; Level 3, 'B' retaliates and wins; Level 4, 'B' retaliates, wins, and the events change so 'B' has no fear of being reconquered by 'A'. Looking at stories in terms of that development is culturally biased; a society that does not believe in the ability to overcome fate rarely has stories higher then above Level 2. Other developmental systems such as 'Botvine's seven steps of narrative complexity' offer tools in which folklorists are able to analyze stories (Maranda et al, 1970; Sutton-Smith, 1981).
While Olick believes folklore is transmitted only through oral channels, Roger Schank sees story transmission on a much larger scale. Schank defines stories as information told through symbols. Stories are more than words because every action, every reaction, everything we do and do not do, every word and every movement tells a story (1990). Those varying concepts, the different ways a story is defined, affects who and what a folklorist studies.
Teachers -- power in terms
Since time began, stories served to explain the world
around us and presented truths in a way that was most
like actual experience -- that is, the consequences of
action were experienced in the outcome of a story rather
then in didactic presentation. The symbols and metaphors
of the stories were the only curriculum for centuries
(Farrell, 1991:10).
Teachers often define stories, in terms of structure, as a narrative. Under this definition a narrative is a story that has a beginning, middle, and end. It also has a conflict between a protagonist and an antagonist. The narrative is composed by a plot and a moral which are formed by the setting and episode. In a narrative it is the events and assessments which lead to a story. In schools, narratives are told by speakers and travel through channels to an audience. The speaker and channels are usually defined as the teacher and texts, while the audience is perceived to be the students (Crago et al, 1983; Doughty et al, 1977, Finnegan, 1992; Labov et al, 1967; Siikala, 1990).
However, there exists a complementary set of definitions offered by folklorists and teachers which affect schools. Stories are a way of knowing; they are seen as a 'resymbolization of experience' and a 'negotiation of power' (see Figure D, p. 40). From the stories people hear and tell, they shape their worlds. Who has control of storytelling's power molds the schools and the people in them (Grumet; 1991; Trousdale et al, 1994; Witherell et al, 1991).
Whether or not a teacher and class believe storytelling is a profession only performed by the teacher or an activity which all people participate in dramatically affects a classroom. It is only the people that have the power, the ability to tell stories, who influence what is taught and learned. When storytelling is seen as a career choice, something that only people with special learned skills take part in (Breneman, 1983; Carpenter et al; 1984; Livo et al,1986), the only person who is supposed to tell stories is the teacher. They control the knowledge.
That role is reinforced by the 'how to use stories in the classroom' books which focus on the teacher as the sole storyteller. Stories are defined as education tools which should only be used by people with certain, learned, verbal and non-verbal communication skills, therefore the books are aimed at improving the telling skills of the teacher (Breneman et al, 1983; Bryant, 1933; Burrell, 1926; Cather, 1918; Dubrovine, 1994; Farrell, 1991; Farrell et al, 1994; Kinghorn et al, 1991, Ross, 1980; Shedlock, 1952; Wit, 1979). Maria Shedlock writes, "it is to be hoped that some day stories will be told to school groups only by experts who have devoted special time and preparation to the art of telling them (1952:xvii)." Her writing indicates that a license should be earned before a person is permitted to tell stories, for storytelling is a privilege and not a right.
The idea that stories should only be told by individuals who have spent years "preparing to share literature with others (Wilson, 1979:7)" shapes the structure of the classroom. The teacher who agrees with the literature, and the class which follows it, are concerned with the question, 'what makes a 'good' story?' to which they self-answer 'one told by a storyteller with excellent communication skills' (Witherell et al, 1991).
However, not all scholars, nor teachers subscribe to that idea of storytelling in the classroom. Since all people tell stories, both the children's and the teacher's voices should be viewed as equally valid, and therefore listened to (Hamilton et al, 1990; Witherell et al, 1991). Paley, teacher and author, sees education through stories as a chance for all in the class to share knowledge. In her writing and her classroom, she encourages educators and students to help each other explore their world through stories (Paley, 1990).
The free-flowing storytelling that Paley practices, where all participate in offering information and lessons, is also a common tool employed in therapy which enables the child to see that their life is significant (Lankton, 1989; Roberts, 1994). The idea is to share the power, let all be free to explore their worlds through their roles as storyteller. In the classes where control is shared by all, people learn from each other. All are storytellers and all are listeners (Simons, 1985).
Broadcast Reporters -- creating stories
Mass news did not exist until the nineteenth century when
the penny press sprawned commercialism, sensationalism,
and rational efforts to communicate with the public. Prior
to that time, individuals obtained information they were
interested in, and which usually had a direct relevance
to their lives (Altheide, 1976:25).
Before satellites orbited the globe, before television broadcasted the news, before the penny press sold their stories, professional, low-tech, human storytellers criss-crossed the world telling stories. The birth of mass media has created a new breed of storytellers, the broadcast reporter. However, the creation of this job has not changed the role stories have filled since the beginning of humanity, which is to meet the need humans have for information to be presented in a convenient and understandable fashion (Baker et al, 1977). Mass media has only changed the way it is delivered.
Information, instead of being delivered by a person, is delivered through a box , thus illustrating one difference between broadcast reporters and the previously mentioned storytellers (see Figure E, p. 40). There is no physical closeness between the audience and the reporter. The experience is a one way, fixed relationship that only exists as a result of technology. Without the camera and the television, the audience does not hear the story and the reporter is not able to communicate his or her story with an audience that can easily range in the millions (Altheide, 1976). The lack of direct interaction between a storyteller and a listener changes the definition of story.
In the broadcast business, a story is defined as what is being covered (Goodson, 1994). Therefore it becomes necessary to look at the forces which make a story worth being covered, thus creating and defining it. One force is 'production' which is the institution's belief whether a story is an event worth covering. This is inclusive of station executives as well as government policy. Another is 'content', which deals with the conventions associated with what goes into making a 'good' story; inclusive of both the institution's perception and the individual reporter. The final, major element is 'effects'; the way the stories touch their audience, which is the way the television viewer perceives the event, shapes the future stories chosen (see Figure F, p. 41). Only when all three sides are acknowledged is it possible to see how a story becomes a news story (Adams, 1978; Larson, 1984).
In America, people's realities and worlds are structured by television. Events become news when they are recorded and broadcast. With television news, society is not looking at 'real' events, but the events edited in such a way that they become a 'good' story (Altheide, 1976).
A story is considered 'good' when the majority of people in the target audience watch the program. 'Good', from the news industry's point-of-view, is defined in terms of ratings and dollars. The higher the ratings, the more money the institution makes. The more money the institution makes, the happier the business. So stories are reflections of what the institution perceives the audience wants (Larson, 1984).
There is no one set rule, when it comes to deciding what the audience wants, but choices are usually based upon prior stories that earned high ratings. Most covered stories fall into the following categories: focus on tragedy, provide easy answers, show an unexpected event, or connected to the wealthy and famous (Larson, 1984). The stronger the presence of those elements in an event, the more likely it will be considered 'news worthy'. By that definition, news worthiness is the difference between the O.J. Simpson murder story and a story of someone drinking orange juice.
It is not the mass media's objective to provide people with 'real' events or the 'truth' (Goodson, 1994). That idea is summed up by the quote of reporter Michael Ignatieff, as preserved by Goodson, "Whatever we hacks may piously profess, the media is not in the information business. It is a story-telling business (Goodson, 1994: 3)."
The idea of amplification helps explain effect's, content's and production's influence on a news story, for amplification says that a story's importance is defined in its relation to all three. Each channel a story passes through affects the news story's 'worthiness'. The audience perceives a news story as being important to watch because the reporter thought the story was important enough to broadcast, which tells management it was important, which causes a similar story to be created and broadcast; all channel relates to why certain events are covered (Altheide, 1976).
Although broadcast news is not 'truth', it is often defined as such (Breen, 1986). This has a dramatic effect on other forms of communication. With each technological communication leap forward, humanity takes greater and greater steps away from accepting the validity of interpersonal communication. Stories broadcast on television and published on paper, because of cultural beliefs, seem more important then those told through oral sources. From the point-of-view of the global community, the medium possesses greater credibility (Baker, 1977; Ritchie, 1995). This 'reality' affects not only the education system, but all other tellers who want people to believe their version of the story.
Folklorists -- who and what goes into a story
Any cultural product needs to be set in its wider social and
economic context for full understanding -- including how it is
produced, transmitted, and supported (Finnegan, 1992:112).
The issue of how to gather stories, from both theoretical and methodological standpoints, is of great concern to folklorists; inclusive of how to preserve the stories once collected as well as how to interpret them (see Figure G, p. 41). One cause for folklorist's concerns is the belief that, all those in the audience, including the folklorist and the recording equipment, affects the story event. Another is the idea that any change in context, such as moving a story from one format to another, changes the story. Only by analyzing how their existence in the story exchange affects the original context of the story, do folklorists believe they can begin to dissect the 'true' meaning of the story (Good, 1992).
Folklorists, being from a culture which places higher value on a technologically enhanced sources than on oral ones, need to use recordering technology in order to preserve stories since memory is not an acceptable platform. Even if these folklorists choose not to use tape recorders, they still would rely on some form of technology to share the information collected. Neither Axel Olrik nor Brian Sutton-Smith used a tape recorder in their research. Olrik, although he emphatically believed in the importance of recording stories to ensure an accurate reproduction of the source (Olrik, 1992/1921), did not record with tape because the medium had not yet been invented. Sutton-Smith did not use a tape recorder, because at the time he was collecting the stories on children, the devices were too bulky and distracting (Sutton-Smith, 1981).
A combination of cultural influence and product availability creates the 'technological curve' which affects the stories of folklorists. Use of technology is dictated not only by the existence and perceived need of an item, but the practicality of it as well; as price and size decrease, use by folklorists increases (see Figure H, p.41). This explains the historic shift from pen and paper to belt, to reel, to cassette, to video, and, currently, the move to digital devices. While the 'technological curve' did not allow Olrik and Sutton-Smith to use tape recorders, it did allow, and possibly force them, to use the printing industry to share their findings, in a socially acceptable way, with an audience or their peers (Ritchie, 1995).
Since the story is representative of the culture in which it was told, it must be collected with an understanding of the context in which it was told in order to be of any use to the folklorist (Grumet, 1991; Olrik 1992/1921). In other words, folklorists must possess an in-depth knowledge of the storyteller's world as well as their own since both affect the story (Siikala, 1990) which was not always the belief. In the past, context did not include the world of the folklorist (Finnegan, 1992).
However, folklorists, by examining the thoughts and beliefs of their predecessors, are changing their belief system. Goldstein saw the trend of self-examination begin in the 1960's when folklorists began to include the examination of their own culture, in addition to the background of where the stories were from, in their analysis of collected stories (1967). Context became inclusive of both cultures; folklorists began looking at why they were listening to certain stories and discovered how their own motivation affected what they heard (Ritchie, 1995).
Finnegan believes that most researchers today are more aware, than prior generations, as to how their own personal lives and beliefs affect what they hear. The idea that what is collected is not a 'true reality' because every person, every object, changes the message, meaning, and tone of the story is a common one today. So to is the idea that reformatting a story into another medium changes the story because it changes the context (Finnegan, 1992).
The belief that the recorder is not 'reality', but just another interpreter, has affected the sensitivity with which stories are handled and interpreted. The strengths and weaknesses of the technology used are now included when defining and understanding the context of the event (Ritchie, 1995). Also incorporated is the notion that the technological recorder is another filtering system which, like the human listener, the story passes through on its way to interpretation. This concept has grown from the older, pre-tape and video recorder, belief that every listener is also a teller (Finnegan, 1992).
Teachers -- causes and perceived effects
Stories invite us to come to know the world and our place in it
Witherell et al, 1991:13).
Sometimes teachers view their role as the gatekeepers of knowledge. Stories are used as lecture tools where communication is only acknowledged as flowing in one direction. At other times, education becomes a communal experience in which stories are acknowledged as flowing in both directions (Curtis et al, 1982; Farrell, 1991; Jones et al, 1970; Maguire, 1985). Depending on the view of the teacher, the lessons learned from the stories are drastically affected.
Traditionally, teachers have taken on the role of lecturers (see Figure I, p. 42). In the recent past, 90% of the teachers in the United States view themselves that way (Curtis et al, 1982). Within those education environments which are still in the majority today, the student is considered to be, predominantly, a listener (Trousdale et al, 1994). The benefit of the transmission through a lecture is defined in terms of the 'knowledge' the student learns. Stories are also used to improve listening skills, comprehension, sequence, and story recall, as well as increasing vocabulary, moral character, sensitivity, and cultural awareness (Hamilton et al., 1990; Maguire, 1985).
When used in the classroom, television often takes on the role of lecturer. Besides supplementary programs like the news, Reading Rainbow, and Nova, there are shows which have been designed to take on the role of teacher. 'Open University', a generic title for classes in which the television screen is the only instructor, is such a program. In those classes, knowledge is allowed to travel in only one direction (Sherrington, 1973).
However, there are a number of classrooms in which students are encouraged to explore their role as storyteller (see Figure J, p. 42); at the university level there are seminars. That open flow of communication is due to curriculum specialists, academians, and teachers who perceive that there are benefits gained when students are allowed to express themselves. For example, Piaget states that children begin to learn through repetition. They learn by playing with forms of expression and reacting to experiences (1969/1952). Piaget's theory ties well into Brian Sutton-Smith's belief that children learn to tell stories by playing with language; it is their creative repetition which allows them to explore and learn (Sutton-Smith, 1981). When allowing children to speak, to play with language and ideas, to craft techniques, teachers allow discovery (Witherall et al, 1991). In these environments, where teachers take on the role of listeners and facilitators, students are given the opportunity to use their voice. Stories are used to helps the students discover themselves and their voices, as well as stimulate language development, imagination, and inventive thinking. They are also used as a method of increasing self-confidence, spontaneity, and listening comprehension skills (Watts, 1992; Hamilton et al., 1990; Farrell, 1991). Through sharing stories, it is perceived that both teachers and students, take on an active role in education (Smith, 1989).
Television can also be used as a tool for children to tell their stories, to act as both a teacher and listener. Around the country there are television studios in schools in which children take on the roles of teller. Under human teacher supervision, the children are in charge of the stories presented. They take on different storytelling roles such as director, cameraperson, writer, and talent. Schools use the studios to allow the students to explore their identities; students are given the chance to develop new talents/skills while finding the method they are most comfortable speaking in. While television is a teaching tool for those in charge of production, it is also a lecturing and a dialogue one for the rest of the school since other students and teachers are given the opportunity to listen to as well as share stories/knowledge on the program (Nielsen et al, 1994).
The two learning atmospheres, one of creating the program and the other of receiving it, are most effective when they are used in conjunction with each other since both provide different opportunities for knowledge and skills to be learned. The mixture also enables more students to be effectively educated since different students, due to physical and cultural differences, learn differently (Briggs, 1970). Some learn better through aural channels, some learn by touch, some by sight, and most by a combination of senses. While some children thrive on learning in an orderly, linear, concrete fashion, others excel in freedom and open spaces (Geisler, 1988). Some feel more comfortable listening while others do the talking (Hamilton et al., 1990; Nielsen et al, 1994). Therefore, both techniques are necessary in education.
Broadcast Reporters -- disregarding and creating context
Storytelling is a communicative experience. The nature of
that experience depends on the medium used to tell the story.
Each medium tells a story in a different fashion because each
medium invokes a different set of perceptual sense rations,
requires its own context, is restrained by different kinds
of production technologies, and is governed by its own
type and mode of logic (Chesebro, 1989:17).
The context of a story is handled quite differently by broadcast reporters than by folklore reporters/folklorists (see Figure K, p. 42). While folklorists actively seek an understanding of the context in which their story was collected because they feel it is necessary in order to understand the 'true' meaning of a story, reporters do not. When Siikala insists a person must fully understand the teller and cultural context to be able to understand a story (1990), she is speaking from a folklorist's point-of-view. This idea of context, as traditionally defined by folklorists is not relevant to the broadcast reporter.
The nature of the reporter's job, makes it impossible to pay attention to context. It is not desired by the institution nor the audience because it is not considered 'news worthy'. In addition, the context of the stories are too complex to be understood by the reporter in the brief time assigned to collect them (Altheide, 1976). Since context is perceived by the 'production' and 'effect' forces as extraneous and contradictory to the needs of 'content', it is not actively collected (Larson, 1984). For example, background research on cultural forces which lead to a homicide is not considered in a thirty second news story that tells one man killed another.
Since the needs of the institution/reporter/global audience are different from those of the culture/folklorist/informants and school/teacher/student, the structure of a broadcast news story is different from those used by the other groups. Because time is expensive and competition for an audience is high, the structure of a news story is tight (Larson, 1984; Smith, 1988b). To meet those needs, stories are told in a format that has been used for over a century to deliver, first by print and then by broadcast news -- the inverted pyramid. At the top, is the lead, the 'fact' that makes the story significant, then secondary points, elaboration of the main point, supports for the lead, background, development of the main idea, and any details which can be fit in. The format makes the story easier to understand and more efficient for telling 'facts.' It is also cost effective because the story can be cut at anytime and will still contain what the institution/reporter/global audience perceive as important (Durham, 1990).
In oral communication, from the definition of the folklorist, the teller and the listener are in close physical proximity to one another. In mass media, this is not usually the case. Communication with an audience occurs through the implication of technology (Chesebro, 1989:12). This forces a change in format of the story which then affects the meaning of the stories because it is the creation of another story. Though the news industry does not focus on context in their stories, a context now exists (Finnegan, 1992). The context is created by the audience (Smith, 1988b).
Stories define the people who listen to them and the people define the story (Lieberman, 1984). Therefore, how a story is understood, or what it means to people, depends upon the environment in which the story is broadcast. The way the audience interprets the story, the way it is understood, becomes the 'reality' for the group and the text of the culture (Bradlee, 1988). The people who share the same story become part of the global community, a new cultural group that shares the same stories and 'truths'. Television is a major force in how a community makes sense of their world (Breen, 1986; Chesebro, 1989).
In the news story, it is not where the story is collected that gives it context, but the television set it is played on, the physical and emotional world of the watchers give the event its meaning. Since broadcast news is not able to provide the background of the story, the community of listeners is forced to create their own. The global community, affected by its filtering system, gives the story its context (Altheide, 1976; Finnegan, 1992).
Folklorists -- the right to sharing stories
It is not hearsay to re-appropriate the tales from either
traditional or the culture industry. 'They are not,'
as Auden (1944) knew, 'sacred texts' (p.28). . . we
need to abandon the untenable views of its ownership
that puts us in its power. We must take possession of it
in our own terms (Haase, 1993:74-75).
The storytelling event occurs and the folklorist is there to record it. A hard copy is made, which in 'reality' is more then a duplication because the reformulating of an event into a new media makes it a new one (Finnegan, 1992). The story has changed because of the act of recording it, the folklorist's decision on how to record, what to record, and what to add, is a 'resymbolization of experience,' and within its new context, the story has a different meaning (as explored on pages 14-15). However, some people view the folklorist as an editor of stories rather than a creator, since, the stories seem the same (Grumet, 1991: 68). Therefore, when examining the folklorist and the tools use to shared a story, it is important to ask the question, 'who owns the story?' (Finnegan, 1992)
The question is often asked by those who share the folklorist's culture, since the stories collected, thus recreated, are brought back into his or her culture, a culture that thrives off law suits. Because that is the 'reality' the folklorist lives in, the folklorist has the storyteller sign a release form to protect both of their legal rights and wishes on what context the story will appear. The release form was created to give both the folklorist and the teller the chance to share his or her story. It is not intended to take away the original storyteller's rights; the original storytellers still own their version of the story (see Figure L, p. 42). Release forms seem to be a standard piece of equipment for all folklorists because of cultural influences such as legal practices, ethical concerns, and the existence of a global community which makes most people on the planet aware of the first two influences. Even if the informant's culture does not perceive it to be a necessity, the folklorist's culture requires it since there is the potential for profit with the reformatted stories (Finnegan, 1992; Ritchie, 1995).
Haase examines the role that big business has played in changing the storytelling business for folklorists. The Disney Company interprets traditional stories, retells them, and then copyrights them. They are often sued over the idea of ownership, and then, in turn, they sue someone else for reinterpreting their story. The suing mentality, that stories belong to only one person, invades the folklorist's field, who view stories as being alive rather than objects to be owned. Folklorist's do not believe that Cinderella can 'truthfully' be owned by the Grimm Brothers or Disney because there are over nine hundred written versions and countless more oral ones. Stories are the property of the world which made them. They change with each telling, therefore the idea of ownership should be abolished or, at the very least, ownership should belong to the participants in the storytelling exchange (Haase, 1993).
However, the folklorists' cultural forces are opposed to the view that stories are communally owned. Forces in Western Culture have tried to convince people that when a story is printed or made into a film, it is untouchable. Still, folklorists believe that the Grimm Brothers' fairy-tales and Disney's movies are, like all stories, open for interpretation (Dorson, 1976). Folklorists use release forms because of these clashing views on ownership. Release forms are not meant to steal stories, they are legally binding documents. One does not become a folklorist to become rich (Bill Schnieder, personal conversation, October 30, 1995). However, some disagree and believe there are some folklorists who are interested in exploiting Native American Indian culture for monetary gains (Carolyn Kremers, personal conversation December 6, 1995).
Since the purpose of the folklorist's work is to share insight and stories, they do rely on whatever the currently accepted form of communication is. Often this means that their work crosses into the arena of mass media. Traditional folklorists' method for recreating the story is writing where the folklorist is able to tell the stories in academic books, which are primarily for scholarly audience (Finnegan, 1992). However, they are beginning to use other mediums more and more frequently. This is necessary because folklorists do not collect stories only to share with other folklorists. Therefore, the use of other mass media technology is not only useful for collection, but necessary for distribution as well (Dorson, 1976).
Folklorists chose a medium through which to distribute/broadcast stories based upon their own needs in relation to the 'technological curve' (re-refer to Figure H, p. 41). As discussed earlier, different technologies have advantages and disadvantages (discussed on page 14). In traditional libraries there are archives of text, audio, and video that store easily accessible stories which are made available to anyone who would like to read, see, and hear, but not all people can, nor chose, to go to libraries (Ritchie, 1992). Besides being located in archives, some videos are broadcast on television and some audio files on radio (Dorsin, 1976).
Another tool that is being explored for distribution is computers. For example, Project Jukebox is a multi-media computer project which preserves and shares stories of Alaskans by reformatting them on a compact disk. Project Jukebox allows the informants who told the stories, through the voice of the folklorist, to share information with a wider audience. (Ritchie, 1995; Schneider et al:92). Since a Project Jukebox workstation is essentially a compact library of stories and folklorist perceived contexts, it is able to provide a wealth of information in a small amount of space enabling access in locations that otherwise could not be reached. There is the potential of reaching an even larger audience on the internet; however, ideas of ownership and respect of the informant's original story must be considered (Bill Schneider, personal conversation, November 20, 1995). New technologies are continually implemented because humans always have a desire to have more information and for it to be easily accessible (Finnegan, 1992).
Teachers -- filling perceived needs with stories
People think in terms of stories. They understand the world
in terms of stories that they have already understood. . .
we understand personal problems and relationships
between people through stories that typify those
situations. We understand just about everything that way
as well (Schank, 1990:219).
The storyteller has tremendous power in education. With storytellers, schools have the ability to promote healthy growth in students. Students are able to learn more than skills; stories have the power to nurture confidence. Stories are tools of understanding with which the storyteller enables his or her audience to see the world from fresh eyes, from the storyteller's point-of-view (Baker et al, 1977). Since stories are a natural part of communication, sharing power and stories in classroom validates students' existence (Jones et al, 1970).
Gloria Blatt confirms the power of stories to validate children in her reference to Russian poet Kornei Chukovsky on the subject of suppressed stories. "When the communist government of the Soviet Union forbade teachers to use folklore in their work with children. . . deprived of lore, children would invent rhymes and tales. . . because these stories meet their emotional needs. (Blatt, 1993:3)." The government forbade the use of the stories because it contradicted the messages they were trying to teach. Stories that reflect the views and expectations of a culture are used as socialization tools which helps students learn a society's expectations of them (Baker et al, 1977).
By telling and sharing stories with others, children gain valuable knowledge, both of themselves and their world. (Trousdale, 1994). The stories children tell reflect their lives, and when listened to by the teacher can be used to learn how the children see and explore their world, for stories let listeners know "who one thinks one is and how one thinks one can be that way (Titon, 1980:290)." That knowledge is power which allows the teacher to see what the students need (De Wit, 1979; Green, 1991; Jones et al, 1970; Paley, 1990; Smith 1989). It also enables the teacher to gain an insight into his or her own life for when they listen and tell stories they learn about themselves as well as their students (Hamilton et al, 1990).
Teacher and writer, Paley, learned to listen to her students' stories. There was a child in her class whose only self-identity seems to be that of a helicopter. Instead of discouraging him, telling him to shut up, she lets the boy who would be a helicopter, be a helicopter. By allowing him to explore the world in the fashion he feels most comfortable, the boy, over the course of the year, is enabled, through confidence to gain other identities. Accepting children's stories not only shows respect and sympathy for feelings, but it also strengthens the children's sense of belonging. (Paley, 1990). Children use the school environment, in which they are creating their own folklore, to learn how to deal with life's problems (Blatt, 1993).
The acceptance of the story is an acceptance of the self (Simons, 1985). The stimulation gained, when a voice is acknowledged and accepted, promotes the child's mental and emotional growth in a positive direction. However, if their voice is denied, if they are denied, then their spirit wilts (Hamilton et al, 1990; Smith, 1989). For that reason, Spacks feels that affirmation of the individual should be considered the main motivational force which encourages one to listen (1976).
Students need to feel comfortable using their own voice if they are ever to be heard. Since the mass media rarely provides the opportunity for them to speak, the responsibility falls on the
school. It is the teacher's job to help the students learn what they need to survive (Doughty, 1977).
Broadcast Reporters -- who and what makes the truth
Journalists know they write 'stories' and we know that we
watch 'stories'. . . but we are not sufficiently attentive to the
consequences of these acts. For 'news' occurs where texts
and events come together, at that place where a reporter
puts a name to things, tells a story about them, and thereby
gives them a structure (Manoff, 1989:59).
Broadcasted stories mixed with the audiences' context shape the 'reality' of the global community. The audience consumes quick bits of information which they mix in their minds to produce new formats of life. Individuals from traditionally different cultures become members of the same group when they have common media inspired experiences. While their interpretations of the world are also shaped by other forces in their culture, the worlds people are allowed to see are narrowed through the channels television offers (Altheide, 1976). The audience is shaped by what they see and hear, and for people in the global community, a main molder of reality is televised news stories (Manoff, 1989).
Some believe that news reporters just report the 'facts', that there is only one answer, one story, so the inner 'truth' of life can be seen through reporting. However, that claim does not take into account the effect point-of-view has on 'reality'. To understand the 'truth' of the broadcast story, it is necessary to consider the reinterpretation of the events which occurs when the viewer sees the story. Variables that have an effect on the 'truth' of the story include when the camera was turned on and why at specific moments, as well as the angle the footage was shot from caused by the physical height of the cameraperson. In addition, the story only becomes a reality if it is watched, so points like did 1) the viewer talk through the story, 2) get a snack, or 3) not own a television and therefore, miss the story completely, become critical. There are infinite variables that act upon perceptions which affect the 'truth' of a story (A1theide, 1976).
The collecting, broadcast, and watching broadcast news is an inescapable shaper of the social consciousness. Since the 'truth' of the media is driven by ratings which steer the stories told, the media broadcasts what they think people will watch (Altheide, 1976). However, the 'truth' of the broadcast story, once reinterpreted, becomes the 'truth' of the global audience's story (Bradlee, 1988). Therefore, the 'truth' of the global community, their understanding of the world, is shaped by popular culture.
The issue of 'truth' in relation to O. J. Simpson's guilt or innocence was not the question of the media in the O.J. Simpson murder trial. The question the industry asks is 'how can I get the largest audience?' which then creates the question 'what effect does the prior question have on reality?' Since people enjoy entertainment, popular stories raise ratings. Coverage of a serial murderer is shown as a real life version of a successful film, 'Silence of the Lambs', while the Kennedy Palm Beach sex scandal becomes a soap opera (Googson, 1994).
Covering 'true' stories in an entertainment format has a drastic effect on 'reality' since stories that appear on television are legitimized by the format (Wyatt, 1986). In America, they are assigned credibility based upon the fact that they appear on the screen instead of 'truth' or intention of the report (Altheide, 1976).
Since the media is in direct competition with other educational sources, such as teachers and parents, who are usually not given as much credibility from the viewer, sources often clash and present contradictory information. Conflicts arise when people try to decide what the 'true reality' is. In cases where the televised information is not questioned, the stories are 'truth'; at least from the point-of-view of the viewer (Barcus et al, 1977). In 'truth', what people perceive is all that matters because "we run our lives according to the pictures in our heads (Altheide, 1976:11)." Those pictures are created by stories (Witherel et al, 1991).
Conclusion
Sifting through stories
We are a storytelling people. We make sense of our lives
through stories (Trousdale, 1994:ix).
'Truth' is defined by the person and the situation whether one acts as a teller or a listener profoundly affects the perceived meaning. Every filter that a story travels through, people as well as technology, change the story. Collecting and broadcasting machines as well as a person's profession are some of the forces which add multiple filters to a story which changes the context and story. Folklorists and reporters using the machines to gather and share stories recreate other people's experiences for folklorists' and reporters' "stories are stylized versions of the 'truth' (Smith, 1988b:65)."
However, the interpersonal relationship between teachers and students with the lack of filtering machines between them, allows their stories to be understood in greater context. Stories are more revealing of the original teller when experienced within the confines of their original context such as the teacher and student exchange in a classroom (Blatt, 1993).
Within a global community, experiences cross borders. The stories of the inner city become the stories of a country while the stories of a country become the stories of the world. Global storytelling is affected by the forces which decide which stories and experiences will be broadcast, seen, and heard by this larger community. However, it is not the 'production' nor the 'effect' which gives broadcast stories their context, it is the television viewers. It is the listener's acceptance which gives the story its 'reality' and validity (Altheide, 1976).
Healthy growth through stories
Story is woven into our everyday experience: it is a function
of our imaginative life and our need to express, order, and
communicate (Jones et al., 1970:2).
Regardless of whether stories are mirrors or the substance of life, all stories, the ones children tell and the ones they hear, shape their world (Engel, 1995; Kinghorn et al 1991; Livo, 1986; Roberts,1994). In the global community, a majority of children's time is spent sitting in school or sitting in front of the television. Therefore, those institutions offer the storytelling experiences which form their worlds. If children are to be free to grow and prosper, it is necessary for them to not only be given the opportunity to listen, but to tell stories and have them accepted.
Without being given the chance to use their voice, children wilt. Since the global community rarely meets this need of children, the responsibility to provide children with the opportunity to express themselves often falls on teachers. Teachers who listen to children's stories give them the encouragement to blossom. In these nurturing environments, children learn that their stories and lives are important. In addition, teachers grow because they are provided with insight into their own worlds through the eyes and point-of-view of the children (Baker et al, 1977; Farrell, 1991; Hammilton et al, 1990; Watts, 1992).
Healthy growth through Children's Voices
We are more than just listeners. Each of us is a storyteller
(Smith, 1989:8).
Through the combination of factors explored in this paper my radio program, entitled Children's Voice, has been developed. The first factor is in relation to the global community which is a tremendous force in shaping children's lives. The second is how listening and telling are equally important for healthy growth. The third reason is born from a combination of the first two that children should be given more opportunities to be tellers in the mass media.
Children's Voices is a collection of children's stories, edited into a thirty minute program, which enables children to share their stories with a larger community, limited only by the circulation of the program. Children's Voices gives children a voice in an area where they traditionally have not had one. Children's Voices also gives people the opportunity to listen to children which is an acceptance of children as well as the audience who listens (Ross, 1980).
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